Author: Admin Newsclickng

  • Open letter to APC Chairman in Osun State, By Kolade Ismail

    Open letter to APC Chairman in Osun State, By Kolade Ismail

    As a promoter of credible and functioning governance at the grassroots level, I’m writing to urge you to ensure that the reinstated local government chairmen and executives in Osun State announce their annual budgets immediately.

    This is crucial for transparency, accountability, and effective governance.

    I don’t want to dwell on the controversies of the issues that led to your party becoming the ruling party in all the local governments in our state. I am more concerned on how our rural dwellers would be the ultimate beneficiaries of the outcomes.

    To move forward, it is essential that the reinstated chairmen and executives prioritize transparency and accountability. Announcing their annual budgets will help achieve this goal.

    Here are some key areas to focus on:
    Infrastructure Development: Allocate funds for critical infrastructure projects, such as road construction, water supply, and public buildings.

    Public Health and Sanitation: Ensure sufficient funding for healthcare services and environmental health initiatives.

    Education and Human Capital Development: Prioritize education and skills development programs, including vocational training and adult education.

    Social Protection and Community Development: Allocate funds for social assistance programs, child protection services, and community development initiatives.

    Economic Development and Job Creation: Support small and medium-sized enterprises, agricultural extension services, and rural infrastructure development.

    By announcing their annual budgets, the reinstated chairmen and executives can demonstrate their commitment to transparency, accountability, and effective governance.

    This will help restore public trust in your party and promote development in Osun State.
    I hope you’ll take this request seriously and ensure that the reinstated chairmen and executives announce their annual budgets without delay.

    Sincerely,

    Kolade Ismail, a politician, writes from Ode-Omu in Ayedaade Local Government Area of Osun State.

  • Now Your Suffering Continues: Why the National Youth Service Corps Should Be Scrapped

    Now Your Suffering Continues: Why the National Youth Service Corps Should Be Scrapped

    By Anonymous, on behalf of disgruntled Corpers.

     

    Every year, fresh graduates across Nigeria answer the “Clarion Call” with a mix of excitement, trepidation, and, let’s be honest, sheer dread. The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), designed to foster national unity and provide young Nigerians with valuable work experience, has instead become a glorified system of exploitation, corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiency. While its original intentions might have been noble, today, the NYSC serves the vested interests of employers seeking cheap labour and government officials looking to dip their hands into yet another bottomless pool of public funds.

     

    Youths Obey, Employers Exploit

    At the heart of the NYSC lies a fundamental injustice: corps members are nothing more than heavily discounted employees for organizations looking to maximize profits. For many employers, the arrival of corps members is like Christmas morning – free labour wrapped in government regulation, delivered to their doorstep. These eager young graduates, full of hopes and dreams, quickly realize that they have been drafted into a system where their skills and efforts are undervalued, their stipends barely enough for sustenance, and their professional growth an afterthought.

    The monthly allowance – sorry, “allawee” – is a laughable sum in an economy where even sachet water prices rise with the tides of inflation. Many corps members find themselves working full-time jobs that should command respectable salaries, yet they receive only the meager stipend, with some employers refusing to provide any additional compensation. In the worst cases, corps members are deployed to ghost organizations, left to fend for themselves while still expected to report for “duty.”

    Rather than serving as a bridge to meaningful employment, the NYSC has become a convenient way for businesses to avoid hiring proper entry-level staff. Why pay a graduate when you can get one at government-subsidized rates? Why invest in training employees when a new batch of enthusiastic yet underpaid corps members will arrive the next year? The result is a cycle of stagnation that neither benefits the corps members nor improves the job market. Instead of empowering young Nigerians, the NYSC simply conditions them to accept exploitation as a rite of passage.

     

    A Pool of Corruption, Not National Unity

    If there’s one thing Nigeria excels at, it’s turning well-intentioned public programs into lucrative corruption schemes. The NYSC, unsurprisingly, has not been spared. With billions of naira allocated to the scheme annually, one would expect a robust, well-managed system. Instead, the program is riddled with inefficiencies, ghost names on payrolls, and contracts awarded to “politically connected” individuals for everything from kits to feeding arrangements.

    Consider the NYSC orientation camps—supposed training grounds for national service but, in reality, battlegrounds for survival. The food is a mystery (often resembling an experiment gone wrong), the facilities are reminiscent of abandoned refugee camps, and the medical care is so inadequate that corps members pray harder for their immune systems than for divine protection. Meanwhile, funds meant for improving these conditions mysteriously vanish into the same black hole that swallows so much of Nigeria’s public money.

    Then there’s the issue of “posting.” Officially, corps members are assigned to locations based on national unity and development needs. Anyone with the right connections or enough cash can secure a comfortable placement in an urban center while the rest are shipped off to remote villages where even network reception is considered a luxury. The process is as predictable as it is unfair, further exposing the systemic failure of the scheme.

     

    Service Year or Survival Year?

    For many corps members, NYSC is less about service and more about survival. It’s about dodging avoidable road mishaps during inter-state travel, navigating the minefield of underpaid and overworked postings, and figuring out how to make ends meet when the government allowance barely covers transport fares. It’s about avoiding predatory employers, corrupt officials, and, in some cases, genuine physical harm in regions where security concerns are ignored in the name of “national unity.”

    Many young Nigerians now see NYSC not as an opportunity, but as a compulsory obstacle course to endure before real life begins. Even the once-glorified “Passing Out Parade” (POP) feels less like a graduation and more like a prison release ceremony—”Congratulations! You have survived a year of bureaucratic absurdity! Now go forth and face actual unemployment.”

     

    The Case for Scrapping NYSC

    If the purpose of NYSC is national integration, there are better ways to achieve it. Rather than forcing young people into a year-long program that benefits everyone but them, the government could invest in policies that promote cross-regional employment, support entrepreneurship, and develop sustainable youth-focused programs that do not involve exploitation and mismanagement.

    Furthermore, the billions spent annually on NYSC could be redirected to improving education, job creation, and skills development initiatives that equip graduates for the workforce. Instead of forcing a Lagos-born software developer to “serve” in a rural health clinic with no computers, why not invest in tech incubators that foster innovation across the country? Instead of shipping accountants to underfunded schools, why not create financial literacy programs that benefit the broader population?

     

    Conclusion: Time to Sound the Passing Out Parade for NYSC

    The NYSC, in its current form, has outlived its usefulness. What began as a noble initiative has become a vehicle for exploitation, corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiency. The very system meant to empower young Nigerians now functions as an institutionalized form of cheap labour that does little to enhance career prospects. Meanwhile, the funds allocated to it continue to disappear into the pockets of those who see national service as a business venture rather than a developmental tool.

    If we truly want to build a Nigeria where youth empowerment is not just a slogan, we must move beyond outdated programs that serve the interests of the few at the expense of the many. It’s time to retire the NYSC and replace it with initiatives that provide real opportunities for growth, employment, and national unity- without the suffering.

  • One Month to Go: Why Owambe Thieves Is a Must-Watch, By Seun Oloketuyi

    One Month to Go: Why Owambe Thieves Is a Must-Watch, By Seun Oloketuyi

    The Nigerian film industry, Nollywood, has never been short of creative, gripping stories, but every now and then, a film emerges that is both thrilling and thought-provoking. Owambe Thieves is one such film. With just a month left until its highly anticipated release, here’s why this movie should be at the top of your must-watch list.
    A Unique, Timely Story
    Set against the backdrop of a devastating recession in Nigeria, Owambe Thieves follows Cheta and Lola, a young couple struggling to survive in the face of financial hardship. Their desperation pushes them into an unusual life of crime—robbing extravagant weddings where politicians and elites throw around cash with reckless abandon. What starts as a desperate heist at a family wedding soon becomes a full-blown criminal enterprise, with the couple targeting lavish Owambe parties across Lagos.
    The film doesn’t just tell a story about crime; it’s a commentary on economic disparity, class struggles, and the lengths people go to in order to survive. As the couple’s actions spiral out of control, so does their marriage, forcing them to confront the price of their newfound “success.”
    An Intense Blend of Crime, Drama, and Social Commentary
    Nollywood has explored crime thrillers before, but Owambe Thieves stands out for its fresh angle. Rather than the typical gangster or political corruption narratives, this film dives into a world rarely explored—the underground operations of party robbers. The contrast between glitzy, colorful Owambe parties and the dark desperation of the protagonists creates a visually and emotionally gripping experience.
    Beyond the heists, the film explores the tension within the couple’s marriage. Cheta and Lola’s love is tested by their new lifestyle, raising the question: can love survive when morals are compromised?
    A Star-Studded Cast
    With an ensemble cast packed with Nollywood heavyweights, Owambe Thieves is set to deliver powerful performances.
    •Shola Sobowale takes on the role of Madam Toke, bringing her signature intensity to the film.
    •Zubby Michael plays Cheta, the desperate husband caught between survival and morality.
    •Eniola Ajao portrays Lola, the ambitious wife whose ideas propel their criminal venture.
    •Odunlade Adekola is Oga Bernard, a key player in their new world.
    •Femi Branch stars as Oga Blings Blings, likely adding a mix of drama and humor.
    •Wunmi Toriola plays Tade, Lola’s sister whose wedding sparks the couple’s first heist.
    •Akin Lewis plays Senator Taiwo, a political figure at the center of the extravagant weddings.
    The film also features top-tier talents like Fathia Williams, Ronke Ojo, Yewande Adekoya, Aisha Lawal, Bukola Arugba, Denrele Edun, Lizzy Jay, Phyna, Olumide, Tobi Makinde, Seilat Adebowale, and Ikechukwu. The inclusion of music legends Sir Shina Peters and Salawa Abeni promises a vibrant soundtrack that captures the energy of Owambe parties.
    Relatable Themes That Hit Home
    At its core, Owambe Thieves is a story of survival. The economic struggles faced by Cheta and Lola are all too familiar to many Nigerians. The film doesn’t just entertain—it reflects the realities of a society where financial hardship forces people to make difficult choices. It also cleverly critiques the excessive display of wealth at Nigerian weddings, where millions are spent in a country where poverty remains widespread.
    Final Thoughts
    With just one month to go until its release, Owambe Thieves is shaping up to be one of the most exciting films of the year. It’s not just a crime drama—it’s a bold social statement wrapped in thrilling entertainment. If you love well-crafted storytelling, strong performances, and films that spark conversation, then this is a must-watch.
    Mark your calendars, because Owambe Thieves is about to take Nollywood by storm!
  • Climate action is the gateway to a new era of growth and prosperity for Nigeria, By Simon Stiell

    Climate action is the gateway to a new era of growth and prosperity for Nigeria, By Simon Stiell

    Bold climate plans can drive Nigeria’s economic take-off, improving living standards, and delivering massive benefits for people, businesses, and the economy.

    The Nigerian government has set ambitious, transformational targets—to lift 100 million people out of poverty and achieve a 7% economic growth rate.

    Climate action – from installing solar panels, to diversifying crops – is key to reaching these goals, bringing electricity to over 85 million Nigerians without access, and ensuring economic stability and rising living standards.

    Last year, the global clean energy boom surpassed $2 trillion, according to the International Energy Agency. Nigeria has a prime opportunity to seize a major portion of this growing market. Doing so will drive investment, create countless new jobs, and build resilience against the climate crisis, protecting Nigeria’s people and economy.

    The key to unlocking these benefits for Nigeria’s people is a strong new national climate plan. All countries have to put together new plans this year under the Paris Agreement. Major developing economies such as Brazil have already delivered theirs, because they know that strong plans will deliver huge human and economic benefits.

    One thing was very clear to me, during my meetings last week with parliamentarians, senior government officials, civil society, and businesses in Lagos and Abuja: Nigeria is committed to climate action. And it has every reason to be.

    This country has huge advantages in this increasingly competitive global race: abundant solar and wind resources, critical minerals like lithium, vast mangrove forests that protect against floods, and, most importantly, its inspiring and dynamic people.

    Now is the time for deployment of solar energy instead of expensive diesel, and investing in green buildings, clean infrastructure, and creating a domestic manufacturing base.

    Climate change is already hitting Nigeria hard—from floods in the south to droughts and desertification in the north, climate impacts are slashing up to 5% off GDP. Coming from a small island, Carriacou, I know this firsthand. Last year, my home was battered by Hurricane Beryl, causing devastating destruction. I’ve seen lives and livelihoods ripped away.

    But now is no time for despair. There are steps Nigeria can take today to make a difference. It can prioritize climate resilience by strengthening infrastructure to withstand extreme weather, planting drought-resistant crops, and protecting natural defenses like mangroves and forests. A National Adaptation Plan can provide the framework to drive these efforts forward, and boost progress right across the Sustainable Development Goals.

    None of this is possible without finance. Significant investment is needed—fast. As COP30 President, Brazil is laser-focused on increasing global climate finance for developing nations, despite political headwinds. We will work with Brazil to deliver on finance commitments made in at the COP29 climate conference last year, including on how to increase global climate finance to $1.3 trillion a year.

    But this isn’t just about finance from governments. Private sector investment is ready for takeoff in Nigeria and many other developing economies. From big business in Lagos, to the micro, small and medium enterprises throughout the country – which makeup 90% of Nigeria’s vibrant, innovative economy.

    Nigeria can become a world leader in clean and climate resilient industries, if barriers to action are addressed. Every business and investor I spoke to said they needed lower costs of capital and more accessible and predictable financial flows. We also need to address risk perception – too often costs of capital reflect outdated ideas of the challenges of investing in Nigeria, and other developing countries.

    A strong climate plan will only deliver its full potential if it works for everyone. Nigeria’s incredible diversity—its regions, industries, and communities—must all share in the massive benefits climate action can bring. That means ensuring clean energy reaches every home and business, that farmers from the north to the south gain from climate-smart agriculture, and that investments create opportunities for people across the country.

    That’s why I’m encouraged by Nigeria’s inclusive approach—ensuring every voice is heard and every sector understands their role. Because this is about real benefits Nigerians can see and feel in their daily lives: more jobs, less pollution and better health, and stronger businesses.

    By bringing everyone on board, Nigeria can seize this moment to drive economic growth and improve lives, with thriving communities future powered by clean, affordable energy, accessible to all.

     

    Mr. Simon Stiell is the Executive Secretary of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)

  • The Balewa road Tinubu is travelling, By  Festus Adedayo

    The Balewa road Tinubu is travelling, By Festus Adedayo

    An ancient Yoruba anecdote narrates the destructive nature of the tongue. Its moral is specifically targeted at leaders who make unconscionable decisions as dictated by their fleeting passion. It is the tragic life and reign of King Odarawu. Odarawu was an Alaafin in the old Oyo Empire. His brief reign in the late seventeenth century, after he succeeded his father, Aláàfin Ajagbo, made him the first Alaafin to be rejected by the Oyomesi, the Oyo Empire’s council of state. Odarawu was a prisoner of his tongue and fiery temper. These led to the brevity of his rule. His vile anger and the calamity it wrought became almost a totem that the Empire deployed to teach lessons of leadership; that leaders must exhibit precis in tongues and tame impassioned words.

    The Reverend Samuel Johnson told the Odarawu story in his authoritative Yoruba nation biography, The history of the Yorubas, (p 169). As was the custom, at his installation, Odarawu was asked to name his enemy. Without mincing words, the Prince named Ojo Segi, a town in the kingdom. On what provoked the enmity, Odarawu went down memory lane. Years back, the Prince had gone to buy corn meal (eko) for dinner. Unbeknown to him, the woman who sold the eko was the Baale’s wife. The price of a wrap of eko was then a cowry, and Odarawu bought six. He, however, paid five cowries, according to the privilege of his birth. The Baale’s wife, feeling insulted and not aware of his princely status, decked Odarawu’s face with a dirty slap.

    She then repeatedly shouted “thief!” at him for trying to withhold a cowry off her legitimate earning. As he was being installed as Alaafin, Odarawu asked the council for one favour: the destruction of Ojo Segi. Though the Oyomesi acceded to his request and brought the town to ruins, the council agreed to do away with Odarawu. In their estimation, the new king was a heartless tyrant. If, out of malice against a single woman, he could have macabre pleasure in the destruction of a hapless people, he was not worthy of the kingdom. Oyo people thereafter rejected Odarawu, and, in frustration, he committed suicide.

    In today’s Nigeria, one character who personifies Aláàfin Odarawu is the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike. Last week, at a temper session in Abuja he called ministerial briefing, in fit-like burst of anger, like King Odarawu, Wike named his enemies. They ranged from Siminilayi Fubara, Bayelsa State governor, Duoye Diri, and the like. Wike’s persona needs critical dissection by psychologists, political scientists and psychoanalysts. Since he left office as Rivers state governor, Wike has been the butt of jokes for his reversibility and torrid anger.

    Even President Bola Tinubu, last year, acknowledged his “mercurial” disposition. Aside from his fitful anger, Wike possesses this weird knack for reversing himself at the drop of a hat. His impassioned statements and emotions get reversed the way an old Bedford lorry needlessly backtracks. Wike speaks in the superlatives. From his absolutist comments on persons in the past, he suffers reverses that show him as little-minded. Peter Odili, Rotimi Amaechi, Diri, Fubara, the PDP, APC and even Bola Tinubu can point to carcasses of Wike’s reversibility.

    Ancient wisdom teaches that at critical moments, leaders need to exhibit self-restraint and forbearance. Wike suffers anaemic deficiency of those virtues. He is grossly mouth-loose, and his temper is his most destructive possession. The mouth, as harmless as it may seem, is a tinder, a combustible weapon. Yoruba compare the incandescence of the tongue to an alligator pepper (ataare), which they say burns even its own outer seed covering (ataare o gbona t’ohun t’epo). Wise leaders use it sparingly. The moment the mouth is set a-loose, its destructive effect is unimaginable. In the Ifa corpus, Èṣù Odára, being the most gluttonous of the Irúnmolè, (deities) reputed with the task of ferrying human appeasements from earth to heaven, is most times depicted with the vice of a lose mouth.

    Before or about the time of the Latin discovery of the maxims of equity and justice, as profoundly explored in the sayings, audi alteram partem (let the other side be heard) and nemo judex in causa sua, (no one should be a judge of their own case) the Yoruba had discovered justice as bedrock of their society. Just like in many societies of the world, the concept of justice in Yoruba indigenous jurisprudential thoughts is robust. Through a prescriptive exploration of proverbs, aphorisms, lore and mores, Yoruba’s thoughts on justice guide rulers and society on the path of virtue, peace and progress. In his “Awon Oju Odu Mereerindinlogun” (The 16 Divination Poems: 2014) an exploration of the Ifa corpus, Professor Wande Abimbola cited one of the Ifa verses which says, “a one-sided judgment arrived at on the basis of a party’s evidence is inhuman and wicked; why did you judge without recourse to the other party?” ([A]nikandajo, o o seun; Anikandajo, o o seeyan; Nigba ti o o gbo t’enu enikeji, emi l’o dajo se?).

    To the Yoruba, the unjust ruler is wickedness personified. He works against the principle of justice which demands impartiality, thereby inflicting gross wickedness on the people. Also implicit in this is that the one judging in a matter should not be a party to the dispute.

    Last week, the Rivers State imbroglio took another dimension. At a meeting he held at State House, Abuja with representatives and leaders of the Niger Delta, under the umbrella of the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), President Tinubu went on a self voyage. Not only did he name himself Nostradamus for seeing tomorrow of Rivers politics, he conferred ancient African elders’ foresight on himself, which, I will argue presently, is misplaced. The president took his guests on a sanctimonious sermon of strict adherence to the rule of law and admonished that judiciary was crucial to harmony. He then urged Fubara to “stoop to conquer.”

    In December 2023, President Tinubu held a similar conclave session of sanctimony with Fubara and Rivers stakeholders. While the world wondered what transpired at the meeting, former Rivers State Commissioner, Chief David Briggs, lifted the veil. According to him, Tinubu had boasted, “I’m the leader of the APC in Nigeria. And you are telling me when babies are born into my family, I should ask them to go!” Tinubu thereafter dictatorially got the parties, including Fubara, to sign a pre-written agreement, literally holding the holster of a corked Barreta pistol to Fubara’s head. In the words of Briggs, “He (Tinubu) emphasized the fact that he is the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and anybody who tends to say no to what he is saying, it has consequences.”

    What many don’t know is that Tinubu is an arch-monarchist who pulls a blanket on his pre-modernist persuasions. This he does by mouthing democratic rhetoric. In June, 2024, at the commissioning of the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan Expressway in Abuja, a hyper-elated Tinubu described the appointment of Wike as one of the best he ever made. To me, this is a poor reading of persona by the president. Yoruba will condemn anyone as lacking ability of thorough examination if they rejoice at a ripening plantain/banana rather than being sad that it is beginning the process of rotting (Ògèdè nbàjé è l’o npon). Among my people, if you own the whole world but lack character, what they call Iwa, you have nothing. Ask a professor friend of mine to describe a man of tremendous achievements and brilliance who lacks character, he would say, “he is this, he is that. Full Stop!” He meant the person had nothing.

    A few days after the PANDEF meeting with Tinubu, Nyesom Wike held the Ministerial Press briefing. As usual, his choleric persona was on display. Whenever he flies into a fit, you would think Wike would burst an artery the next minute. At the meeting, Wike’s venom sprinkled everywhere. The Ijaw got theirs. PDP got its and everyone but Wike was a fool.

    On threats that Ijaw would blow up pipelines if Fubara was impeached, Wike’s loose temper found no anchor. “Who told you Ikwerre people cannot blow up pipeline? Who told you Ekpeye people cannot blow up pipelines?… Let the whole country be blown up!” And when asked what happens if Fubara is impeached, he bellowed in that infamous guttural of his, “Rubbish. Nonsense. Who is he? Nonsense!”

    In the Rivers imbroglio, Wike clearly nurtures a Samson complex. It is also called nihilism, the type Adolf Hitler harbored. It was what Bob Marley insinuated when, in his ‘Real Situation’ track, he sang, “total destruction, only solution.” It is what the Yoruba descriptively call the “Atare o gbóná t’ohun t’epo” mentality (rather than the rat suffering the denial of eating from the farmer’s field of cowpea seeds, let the cowpea farm be scattered so that, neither the rat, nor the farmer has the peas). Since his bile went riot at the temerity of his godson, Fubara, to possess a mind of his own, Wike has trodden this “Atare o gbóná t’ohun t’epo” route. He doesn’t care if Rivers people die of hunger.

    At Tinubu’s meeting with PANDEF, when the president said he was a friend of the rule of law, he got cacophonous guffaws across Nigeria. Really? See who is talking about the rule of law! Tinubu’s recent and past political history disown this self chest-thump. For 25 years, Tinubu has sustained his iron grips on Lagos State with a combination of cultic abidance, deadly hold and rule of brunt, all garnished with heavy dole-outs of cash to buy loyalty. At best, as I said earlier, Tinubu is a staunch monarchist, a student of the Bashorun Gaa school of power. This was aptly demonstrated in his successive enthronement of governors since he left office in 2007.

    While the world sees democracy and continuity, underneath the surface is dirty grime. While Akinwumi Ambode got a premature rout from office for querying the godfather’s pokenose into Lagos till, Raji Fashola escaped by the whiskers. Today, Jide Sanwo-Olu is on the cross for being a man of his own and daring to flex a power muscle which only the godfather has a patent to. Why should he remove a haughty, self-conceited Mudashiru Obasa without the godfather’s say-so? Nigerians recently saw the true colour of the president’s bedfellow dalliance with the rule of law in the gangsteric takeover of the Lagos House of Assembly which he unpretentiously sponsored. Same last week; the president exhibited his conquest of this “rule of law” when he hoisted Obasa and the entire House on the cross of Aso Rock. What a victory of the rule of law!

    Last week, Nigerians also saw another victory of Tinubu’s rule of law. This time around, it was in the courts. Peter Odili, the ‘enemy’ of Wike, had his judicial envelope from prosecution removed by the Supreme Court. This was coming after 18 years and coincidentally, at a time when the former governor had become vociferous in denunciation of Wike. Same last week, the installation of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as Emir of Kano was removed by the Appeal Court. The world is aware that Tinubu and his APC surrogates had quartered Aminu Ado Bayero, the dethroned monarch, as alternate Emir in an ancient mini-palace in Nassarawa. Sanusi must be taught the lesson of his life for being friend to Nasir El-Rufai who is threatening the president’s lifetime ambition and family inheritance. Rule of law, however, prevailed last week and the court took judicial notice of the president’s heartfelt political yearnings. May Allah be praised.

    A godfather of huge credentials, it will be expecting the impossible to imagine that Tinubu would not support a fellow godfather, his FCT minister, Nyesom Wike. Though Tinubu advertises boldness, it is apparent that he cannot stand the gruff and incandescent temper of Nyesom Wike. It will seem that he does not have the balls, too to peer torchlight into the dilating eyes of this leopard, the animal which inflicts lethal marks on any animal in the jungle (Ògìdán olólà ijù).

    I remember that immediately after Chief David Briggs lifted the veil on the meeting with Tinubu in 2023, I said, if Tinubu had acted like a statesman and not an APC leader and godfather, Rivers State would not be the smoking cauldron that it is today. I asked if Tinubu had ever called Wike to his office to tell him the simple truth. I doubt. The truth is, Wike’s totalitarian approach to power and his violent disposition can only flourish with a godfather of similar captive persuasion as Tinubu. The day Wike is told by a superior force like the president that no one can hold on to power ad-infinitum and single-handedly hold the polity to ransom like this, is the day the good people of Rivers would be rid of their Wike-inflicted conundrum.

    Tinubu’s self-imposed deafness to the warnings of history in how he fiddles with fire in abetting Wike reminds me of a similar equation in Nigeria’s First Republic. The Western Region turmoil began like a minor crisis as this. Like an unperturbed Balewa, Tinubu is not bothered that, manipulating judicial instrumentality, Rivers State is today literally frozen. A contumacious legislature, whose strings are being pulled by Wike, has adjourned the House sine die to prevent the presentation of the 2025 budget. The people could starve for all they and Wike care. As Tinubu is backing Wike, Balewa was Chief S. L. Akintola’s backer, too in a political chess game that was to later consume the duo.

    While on a tour of Benin in June 1964, still feigning ignorance of the crisis, Balewa was quoted to have said that he could not judge the intensity of lawlessness in the West on account of newspaper reports of the brigandage. As he departed Nigeria in October 1965 for Accra to attend an OAU meeting, he was quoted to have said that report of violence in the region was contrived. At the Ikeja Airport, he was asked by journalists what he was going to do about the fire raging in Western Nigeria. He tucked his bother inside his flowing babanriga, looked round and cynically declared; “Ikeja is part of the West and I cannot see any fire burning.” Like Balewa, today, all Tinubu sees are the magnificent edifices Wike builds in Abuja and the arresting asphalt he paints Abuja roads with. He cannot see that Rivers is burning and hurting.

    As ancient wisdom says it is the beginning of a crisis that is known, nobody knows its end, that fire consumed Balewa on January 15, 1966. It eventually became a disease that would ultimately kill its sufferer which is always pampered. The fire that burnt Balewa and Nigeria arose from the shield he gave Akintola which Tinubu is today recreating.

    During this period, Balewa provoked an editorial comment in the Nigerian Tribune to wit that: “Whether Abubakar (Balewa) intervenes or not, (we are) convinced that this is a war the people are bound to win.” On the morning of January 15, 1966, the silently burning fire Balewa ignored became a national conflagration. The first military coup in Nigeria effectively ended the lives of Balewa, Akintola and others. Unfortunately, the people didn’t win. Nigeria went into captivity of jackboots politics for decades after. Can anyone whisper to Tinubu that this Rivers State Balewa route he is travelling can only lead to destruction?

  • The thing between Godswill and Natasha, By Azu Ishiekwene

    The thing between Godswill and Natasha, By Azu Ishiekwene

    Many years ago, when my teacher said nothing sells like sex, crime, and money, I didn’t fully understand what he meant. Yet, over the years, I’ve repeatedly seen that a judicious mix of these socio-economic ingredients is a spellbinder.

    Apart from the tragic news about banditry, the suspense in Rivers State, and the heightened prostitution amongst politicians crossing carpet or finding new harems, nothing has hugged the headlines as relentlessly as the salacious tango between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

    After weeks of trying to see, hear, and say no evil, I’m compelled to overcome the temptation of abstaining by yielding. It’s not an easy road, believe me – not for those genuinely trying to make sense of it, not for the busybodies and certainly not for the parties involved.

     

    Managing their libido

    It’s heartbreaking that despite the perennial underperformance of the legislature, managing the libido of its menfolk has piled on the hazards we must endure.

    But it’s not a Nigerian thing, if that is any comfort. A 2016 study by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) on sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians indicates that 20 percent of women parliamentarians globally report sexual harassment during their terms. The hospitality and healthcare sectors follow the pecking order, with power relations influencing the trend in several industries, professions, and workspaces.

    Allegations of sexual harassment or assault have indeed been weaponised in the past. From the Central Park Five in the US to Ivan Henry, and Perry Lott, exonerated only two years ago after serving 35 years for a rape conviction in Oklahoma, the literature is replete with cases of persons wrongfully convicted for sexual offences they did not commit. Lott won’t be the last.

     

    What is behind seven…

    Yet, Akpoti-Natasha’s allegation should be taken more seriously than just another regular nuisance from an under-performing legislative branch. The feedback from insiders has been puzzling. Akpabio and Akpoti-Natasha have been good friends, one source told me. In Akpabio’s Senate presidency, the source said, none of the other three female senators have enjoyed the privileges Akpoti-Uduaghan has, even though she is a first-timer.

    Jealousy, I thought, especially when my source added that apart from her appointment as chairman of the juicy local content development committee, Akpoti-Natasha had been a part of the Senate president’s entourage on trips to several enchanting destinations before things fell apart. This source, I’ve known for years, is not given to flippancy. But I pressed for more.

     

    Show me your friend…

    The source added that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s husband, Emmanuel, a hard-working man, high chief, husband of one wife, and friend of the establishment but a non-legislator, had also executed several significant contracts for the National Assembly running into hundreds of millions of naira.

    For anyone familiar with how things are done here, lavish travels and contracts for one’s buddies are only a tiny part of the fringe benefits. There is a common saying among Nigerian politicians that one does not give jobs to one’s enemies.

    Yet, if it’s also true that one’s friends can sometimes tell a lot about who they are, then anyone who is Akpabio’s friend and gets special treatment cannot claim they’re strangers to his flippancy, a shortcoming for which he cannot help himself. Akpoti-Uduaghan should know him.

     

    A lifestyle of rough jokes

    As governor of Akwa Ibom State, he said before TV cameras at a zonal meeting in Port Harcourt that “hungry” state party chairmen of his former party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), should be given one million naira each for snacks at Mr. Biggs. Akpabio also famously said that whatever money cannot do, more money can do.

    The bawdier variety range from telling young protesters last year that those who wanted to protest could do so “while the rest of us would be here eating.” Not to mention his off-colour quip about the Senate not being a night club or his pre-recess gaffe to “send prayers” (meaning money) to senators just before their holiday.

    The man can’t help himself. He thinks the allegation against him is wokeism gone rogue and called it “a useless allegation of sexual harassment.” But the gravity goes beyond his insinuation that Akpoti-Uduaghan is fighting back for losing her “juicy” committee seat or his charge that she thinks of herself as finer than Snow White, a woman to kill for.

     

    Under the rug

    The point is that even though he has framed this dispute as a useless distraction, he should never have been the prosecutor and judge in his own case. Because he was involved – the second time in five years – the matter should have been referred to an independent panel or opened to the public.

    Allegations of sexual harassment are often difficult to prove. Many incidents occur privately, leaving no direct witnesses or corroborative testimony. Claims usually rely on the complainant’s words, and documentation of circumstantial evidence is challenging.

    Referring the matter to the Ethics and Privileges committee was supposed to create a veneer of impartiality. Still, Akpabio’s vindictiveness was apparent long before the committee returned the six-month suspension verdict on Akpoti-Uduaghan. The Senate president was pulling the strings.

    It was not Akpoti-Uduaghan’s right to a fair, impartial hearing alone that was at stake, even though the absence of that should have been sufficient to discredit her punishment. Akpabio has also abridged the rights of the senator’s constituents in Kogi Central by this libidinous overreach.

    He should have been more restrained.

     

    A worrying record

    Discipline of members shouldn’t be taken lightly. Of eight senators suspended since 1999, three have been in the last two years under Akpabio’s presidency. In 236 years, the US Senate has censured nine members.

    In South Africa, apart from the raft of parliamentarians who resigned after the so-called Travelgate scandal in the early 2000s, the most notable cases of censure since 1994 have been Julius Malema and Jacob Zuma, for different reasons.

    Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele has said Akpoti-Uduaghan was not suspended for her allegation against the Senate president but for multiple breaches, from refusal to sit in her assigned seat, speaking without recognition, disruptive behaviour, and failure to appear before the Senate Ethics Committee, contrary to Senate Orders 2023 as amended.

    With only four women out of 109 senators (both chambers of the National Assembly have eight of 490 members), this might sound like music to the ears of the male-dominated chamber. But in the hallways, just outside their gilded offices, the word is that after a previous sexual harassment allegation by Akpoti-Uduaghan against former presidential aide Reno Omokri, it’s time to teach her a lesson.

     

    Spouses beware

    Akpabio cannot come clean by asking his wife to tell us what a faithful husband he has been. Or telling us stories of how he spent the night at the Dangote Cement factory to make it to Akpoti-Uduaghan’s wedding. We have an idea what spouses would say in situations like this, and where he spent the night to attend his friend’s wedding is his business.

    Enough of the salacious spellbinder. He should allow an independent investigation and publish the findings to bring closure to this sordid episode.

     

    Ishiekwene is the editor-in-chief of LEADERSHIP and author of the book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

  • Kabir Dangogo: The demise of a doyen of Public Relations in Africa, By Yushau Shuaib

    Kabir Dangogo: The demise of a doyen of Public Relations in Africa, By Yushau Shuaib

    My father died a while ago! Janaza will be at Sultan Bello Mosque Kaduna after Jumuat prayer, Insha Allah”

    This was the sombre message that greeted me on my phone from Sadiq Kabir Dangogo, son of the legendary Mallam Kabir Dangogo, as I awoke for the Ramadan Sahur at 4:00 AM on Friday, March 7, 2025. For a moment, I was paralyzed by disbelief. I pinched myself to ensure it wasn’t a nightmare and sought further confirmation. The reality soon sank in: the man who had inspired countless African public relations professionals was no more.

    Mallam Kabir Dangogo was not just a name in the field of public relations; he was an institution. His contributions to the profession were monumental, and his legacy will continue to inspire generations of PR practitioners.

    My first encounter with Mallam Dangogo was through his writings during my early years in PR. However, it was an unforgettable honor to share a podium with him when we were both recognized as PR Personalities of the Year by the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) Kano/Jigawa Chapter exactly 30 years ago.

    The event, held on August 5, 1995, at Daula Hotel in Kano, was graced by dignitaries such as the NIPR President, Alhaji Sabo Muhammad; former Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Ali Saad Birnin Kudu; and my boss Alhaji Abu Gidado, then Minister of State for Finance, who was the Special Guest of Honour.

    That moment marked the beginning of a mentorship and professional relationship that profoundly shaped my career. Mallam Dangogo’s towering presence in strategic communication opened doors to numerous opportunities and networks. His establishment of Timex Communications and Training School after his retirement further cemented his commitment to nurturing the next generation of PR professionals.

    As a revered authority in financial public relations and reputation management, Mallam Dangogo’s expertise transcended borders. On February 21, 2019, we had the privilege of hosting him at the PRNigeria Centre in Abuja for a mentorship session with our interns, mostly Mass Communication students. Unbeknownst to him, we had orchestrated a surprise 70th birthday celebration in his honor.

    At exactly 4:00 PM, as I led him into our conference room, the staff and interns erupted into a melodious rendition of “Happy Birthday.” The look of surprise on his face was priceless. The celebration deepened as calls began pouring in from top PR practitioners across the continent. The first was from the President of the African Public Relations Association (APRA), Mr. Yomi Badejo-Okusanya, followed by the President of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), Mr. Mukhtar Sirajo, and many others, all extending heartfelt wishes.

    In his remarks that day, Mallam Dangogo admitted that he had long forgotten his birthday, which he rarely commemorated. With a sense of nostalgia, he reflected on the golden days of public relations, when decorum, ethics, and professionalism were the guiding principles of the profession. He lamented the current state of PR in Nigeria, emphasizing that the profession was not merely about crafting grammatically impeccable press releases or delivering eloquent speeches at press conferences. He urged young practitioners to be hardworking, diligent, and steadfast in upholding the ethics of the profession.

    Born on February 21, 1949, Mallam Kabir Dangogo was a scholar and a trailblazer. He earned academic degrees from Ohio University, Athens, in the United States in 1981, and the University of Leicester in the United Kingdom in 1987. Mallam Dangogo’s illustrious career began in journalism, where he worked at the New Nigerian newspaper and the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA). He served as the Managing Editor of the New Nigerian newspaper between 1988 and 1989, a Senior Lecturer at Kaduna Polytechnic in the late 1980s, and the Press Adviser for the United States Information Service in 1990.

    He later transitioned into public relations, serving as a Public Relations Officer at the Bank of the North Limited and Union Bank of Nigeria Plc. He was the founding President of the Association of Corporate Affairs Managers of Banks (ACAMB). He served as Secretary-General of the Federation of African Public Relations Associations (FAPRA, later known as APRA) while also being the Chairman of the Nigeria Chapter of the International Public Relations Associations (IPRA) between 2002 and 2006, bringing pride to Nigeria on the continental and global stage.

    After 32 years of distinguished service in various corporate organizations, Mallam Dangogo voluntarily retired from Union Bank on June 26, 2005, as the Assistant General Manager (AGM) of Corporate Affairs. He then established Timex Communications, a PR firm and communication training school that hosted global events in Nigeria.

    His contributions to the profession were recognized globally. In 1981, he was elected a Fellow of the International Radio and Television Society (IRTS) in New York. He became a Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) in 2000 and received the NIPR President’s Award for Excellence in Public Relations in 1996. He was also a Fellow of the Advertising Practitioners Council of Nigeria (APCON) and received the Lagos State Chapter of the NIPR Award for Excellence in Public Relations in 2005.

    Mallam Kabir Dangogo was a multi-award-winning PR practitioner whose decades of distinguished practice left an indelible mark on the communications landscape and the banking industry. His remarkable journey is a testament to his exceptional leadership, professionalism, and unwavering commitment to excellence.

    As we bid farewell to this doyen of public relations in Africa, we celebrate a life well-lived and a legacy that will endure. May his soul rest in peace.

     

    Shuaib is the author of “A Dozen Tips for Media Relations” and “Introduction to Financial Public Relations in Nigeria.” [email protected]

  • A Legacy of Integrity: Remembering a Forthright Mentor, Mallam Kabir Dangogo, By Nkechi Ali-Balogun

    A Legacy of Integrity: Remembering a Forthright Mentor, Mallam Kabir Dangogo, By Nkechi Ali-Balogun

    Today, we mourn the loss of a distinguished, impartial, extraordinary gentleman, forthright and detribalized Nigerian, Mallam Kabir Dangogo. He was a consummate Public Relations professional and a mentor I am proud to have had. As the head of Public Relations at the Union Bank, he ran a seamless office that became the benchmark for his peers.

    Mallam always had an open door for me, guiding me through the fundamentals of Public Relations when I single-handedly established the Public Relations Department at the Nigerian Export-Import Bank. Unlike his contemporaries, Mallam provided me access to information, PR courses, and connections that would help shape me into a proficient Public Relations practitioner. The rest, as they say, is history. Mallam consistently included my name in any new initiative he undertook. He was the one who introduced me to Federation of African Public Relations Association, (FAPRA) (now APRA) and even recommended me as his successor for the General Secretary position. Though I did not succeed, I will forever remember his efforts and how they impacted his professional outlook in later years.

    Mallam was pivotal in my becoming the first female Chairperson of the Lagos Chapter of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations. He supported me in connecting with PR heavyweights like Hajia Lami Tumaka, Eddy Wikina, and the late President Bob Ogbuagu. Mallam Kabir Dagogo believed in me. While the late Gbade Sanda introduced me to the NIPR, it was Mallam Kabir who nurtured me personally.

    When he first proposed the idea of forming the Association of Corporate Affairs Managers of Banks (ACAMB), he ensured that I was included as a founding member. Today, ACAMB has evolved into a highly reputable financial sector public relations group with over 350 members, and I am honored to serve as a member of the Board of Trustees.

    Mallam would not have thrived as a politician because he always called a spade a spade and never sugarcoated issues; black was black, and his yes was yes. His forthrightness often led to misunderstandings, and he was sometimes labeled as proud for not condoning inappropriate behaviors. His relocation to Kaduna distanced him from some of
    his professional colleagues, but ACAMB remained a steadfast supporter of their founder throughout his illness. We remain forever grateful to this esteemed body of financial PR professionals.

    Just two days ago, I took out all of Mallam’s books, authored by him, unaware that the Spirit of God was perhaps forewarning me of his passing. I will deeply miss him, and the Public Relations community in Nigeria and indeed Africa has lost an icon.

    Adieu and fare thee well.

    Nkechi Ali-Balogun, Ph.D. fnipr

  • The emerging Osun State Capital Territory, By Kolade Ismail

    The emerging Osun State Capital Territory, By Kolade Ismail

    By Kolade Ismail

     

    A few days ago, my friend from Osogbo was lamenting the absence of a federal university in the state capital. He felt that the newly established University of Agriculture and Tropical Studies should have been given to Osogbo and not Iragbiji, being the state capital. 

    I assured him that the university would soon fall into Osun State Capital Territory if the growth trajectory of the towns and communities around Osogbo continues as it is today.

    By my recent studies and observations, the following local government would conurbate to becoming Osun State Capital Territory:

    1. Boripe – Iragbiji

    2. Ede North – Oja Timi

    3. Ede South – Ede

    4. Egbedore – Awo

    5. Ifelodun – Ikirun

    6. Irepodun – Ilobu

    7. Olorunda – Igbona

    8. Orolu – Ifon-Osun

    9.Osogbo – Osogbo

    How do conurbations form? Conurbations form when two or more cities or towns grow so much that they merge and become one large city or town. Each city in the conurbation retains its identity, but they have grown so close that their built-up areas have merged.

    Lagos is a very good example of a conurbation in Nigeria. Lagos is made up of Ikeja, Ojo, Epe, Ikorodu, Agege, and other suburban communities.

    As a student of urbanization, I am quite intrigued by emerging pockets of merged communities that would eventually woven together to become Osun State Capital Territory.

    Haven’t you noticed the cornubation of Ikirun, Iragbiji, Agba, Ororuwo, Ada and Ire. These five communities in two local government areas of Ifelodun and Boripe have fused into one. A visitor to this area would find it very difficult to identify the towns and communities.

    What about the cornubation of Osogbo, Agunbelewo, Okinni, Ilobu and Ifón? The emerging high street development along the route is testament to the emergent of the Osun State Capital Territory. This corridor is arguably, the fastest growing high street in Osun State.

    By 2035, I foresee the cornubation of Ede with Osogbo, the merging of Osogbo-Iragbiji-Ikirun axis and the emergence of the third largest urban center in the South West Nigeria. Only Lagos and Ibadan will be bigger than Osun Capital Territory.

    And by 2040, I foresee the cornubation of Ilésà with the Osun State Capital Territory.

    If the Osun State Government can build a six lane highway between Osogbo and Ilesha, the cornubation could be faster and organized as the largest estate corridor in the South West after Lagos Atlantic City.

    Without the government’s deliberate planning, this cornubation would slowly and painfully emerge organically but we may have a huge urban slum on our hands.

    As a believer in the deliberate urban planning, I think the Osun State Government is already a decade behind in the planning and deliberate execution of the birth of the emerging cornubation, the Osun State Capital Territory.

    It is high time the Osun State Government developed a comprehensive plan to address the emerging capital territory, the conurbation of towns and communities.

    The first thing we must do is to define the conurbation area: Identify the towns and surrounding areas that are merging to form the Osun State Capital Territory. A detailed situational analysis of the demographic, economic, social, and environmental characteristics of the conurbation area is very important as well.

    And to address the fear of boundary encroachment, the state government must engage stakeholders – Traditional institutions, local government officials, residents associations, businesses, and community organizations must be involved in the planning process.

    Very importantly, the government must repurpose the Osun State Capital Territory Authority as an effective conurbation planning concern. The Authority must comprise representatives from relevant state government agencies, local governments, and stakeholders.

    A very intent and clear objective must be set. The government must define the vision, mission, and goals for the conurbation area, including economic growth, improved quality of life, and environmental sustainability.

    The Authority must develop strategies to address infrastructure, transportation, housing, economic development, and social services.

    At the top of the infrastructure development priority for the cornubation must be the transportation planning: The Authority has to develop a comprehensive transportation plan, including road networks, public transportation systems, and pedestrian and cycling infrastructure and all the local governments and state government must adhere to the plan.

    The Authority must also ensure adequate provision of water, electricity, waste management, and telecommunications services. Provision of water in particular is very critical to modernize and transform living conditions in the semi urban areas. New dams must be built to supply water and water supply must be commercialized as veritable source of IGR for Osun State Government. With adequate water supply, a modern waste management system including a centralized sewage system could be placed on the agenda.

    Provision and expansion of public facilities:,such as schools, industrial parks, healthcare centers,, and recreational spaces cannot be overemphasized.

    This will require a lot of methodical planning and careful execution. The government must acquire lands across the communities and towns that fall into the capitol territory for these public infrastructure now before it is too late.

    By following this comprehensive plan, the Osun State Government can effectively address the emerging conurbation of towns, and communities into Osun State Capital Territory while promoting sustainable development, economic growth, and improved quality of life for the residents.

     

    Kolade Ismail, a politician, writes from Ode-Omu in Ayedaade Local Government Area of Osun State

  • Osun LG Crisis: How PDP is weaponizing blackmail to win share of minds, By Kolade Ismail

    Osun LG Crisis: How PDP is weaponizing blackmail to win share of minds, By Kolade Ismail

    By Kolade Ismail

    When Senator Ademola Adeleke addressed the press on Sunday on the ongoing local government administration crisis in Osun, he deployed only one weapon…. Blackmail.

    The governor called on President Bola Tinubu to intervene by instructing security agencies not to obey any “illegal order” allegedly issued by Oyetola, whom he described as the President’s nephew.

    “I urge Mr. President to direct the National Security Adviser and the Attorney General of the Federation to personally verify that the Court of Appeal judgment did not reinstate the sacked chairmen and councillors. The law must be upheld,” Adeleke emphasized.

    Would the Governor submit himself to any unfavorable interpretation by these officials of the federal government even if the President graciously addresses his wish? I really don’t think so.

    What the governor just did was to weaponize his predecessor, Governor Gboyega Oyetola and the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu for political reasons. He also cleverly expanded the blackmail net to entrap the National Security Adviser and the Attorney General of the Federation.

    With this weapon, Governor Adeleke has successfully lulled the Presidency into slumber and turned Osun APC into orphans while they are receiving the murderous beating of their political life in the hands of the PDP thugs across the state.

    The silence of the Presidency on the ongoing crisis in Osun State even after the killings and maiming of people across the party lines on Monday, cannot be divorced from the blackmail strategy deployed by the Governor Adeleke.

    Weaponizing blackmail for political reasons often involves using compromising information to coerce, manipulate, or discredit individuals, groups, or organizations for political gain. Unfortunately, this unethical and often illegal practice can have severe consequences for democracy, governance, and public trust.

    What does the Presidency’s silence portends?

    Would the Presidency torpedo the local government autonomy because of political blackmail?

    If I were Senator Adeleke, I would be worried about the Abuja silence.

    How far can Governor Adeleke go with this strategy?

    Only time can tell!

    Kolade Ismail, a politician, writes from Ode-Omu in Ayedaade Local Government Area of Osun State